Latest developments in the fragile Basque process

I'm not even going to call it "peace process" jet, just "process". Because the news are not really hopeful in general.

After rumors on the bilateralness of the truce, the Spanish government decided to dismiss these by the path of action and jailed a number of Basque politicians diffusely accused of belonging to the "all is ETA" conspiracy theory that prevails in Madrid since some 12 years ago. In effect they are accused to belonging to Ekin, a ghostly political avant-guard organization that would lead the similarly ghostly KAS bloc, including the Basque Nationalist Left, ETA and a host of other organizations. The KAS (Patriotic Socialist Coordination) bloc did exist in the 80s and 70s but it's not clear it does exist anymore nor that it ever included ETA at all and, in any case, it should be the same as the Basque Nationalist Left political movement (now illegal but still very real). No evidence of the existence of Ekin now or in the past exists (just police reports).

All the arrested denounced tortures, triggering some protests and, rather unusually, a pre-trial. All them been jailed "preventively".

But the most important meaning is to say, not just to ETA, but to all those hopeful of some kind of solution in the short run, who are most in the Basque Country (not so many in Spain it seems), that the State of Spain is not accepting the good will signals from the armed group.

It is also and foremost a message to the Spanish Right that the government is not renouncing to the repressive road to peace, a road that most here would consider impossible or even undesirable.

We are therefore witnessing, I understand, a sign of weakness of the Spanish socialdemocrats, who, the same as other "liberal left" parties elsewhere appear only to be able to govern under the ominous shadow of the right, specially the belligerant Reganist quasi-fascist far-right. This phenomenon is known as "violin government": supported by the left but effectively played by the right.

In this sense, ETA has now issued a new communication, which is published by Gara today but only in the print edition it seems.

The armed group responds in this communication to the Brussels Declaration issued by a number of senior public figures from South Africa, Ireland and Britain and declares to assume its part of responsability in this. The Brussels Declaration reads:

Statement by International Leaders in Conflict Resolution and Peace Processes

We, the undersigned, welcome and commend the proposed steps and new public commitment of the Basque Pro-independence [Movement] (Abertzale Left) to "exclusively political and democratic" means and a "total absence of violence" to attain its political goals. Fully carried out, this commitment can be a major step in ending the last remaining conflict in Europe. We note the expectation that the coming months may present a situation where the commitment to peaceful, democratic and no-violent means becomes an irreversible reality. To that end, we appeal to ETA to support this commitment by declaring a permanent, fully verified ceasefire. Such a declaration appropriately responded to by [Spanish] Government would permit new political and democratic efforts to advance, differences to be resolved and lasting peace attained.

Signatories:

-Nelson Mandela Foundation
-Archbishop Desmond Tutu (Peace Nobel Prize. South Africa).
-Frederik Willem de Klerk (Peace Nobel Prize. Former South African President).
-Mary Robinson (Former Irish President).
-John Hume (Peace Nobel Prize. Took part in the Good Friday Accord for Ireland).
-Albert Reynolds (Former Irish Prime Minister).
-Jonathan Powell (Chief of Cabinet form Tony Blair).
-Nuala 0'Loan (First Police Ombud in North Ireland).

The wording chosen by ETA seems subtle but I am not in condition to judge it until I buy the newspaper (if I do), as it doesn't seem that Gara is publishing it integrally online this time. The online article quotes the sentence: disposition to study jointly the steps needed by the democratic process, included the compromises to be adopted by ETA.

ETA hence seems to emphasize the democratic process of resolution (i.e. eventual self-determination) and seems to condition any permanent demilitarization steps to advance in the negotiation process. Nothing new really but I would not have expected anything else either. Meh, it's been more than 40 years now! And the last time they already issued a "permanent" declaration of ceasefire, what in the end lasted "only" one year. So issuing another would be futile rhetoric.

You may agree or not with what ETA says or does, but that is exactly what has been going on for the last 40-plus years. All my life. On one side there is a Spanish nationalist (Jacobin/Post-Fascist) state that has as principle the territorial integrity of the remaining state (after losing the Netherlands, Portugal, Belgium and most of Italy, most of America, Philippines, Cuba, Equatorial Guinea, West Sahara, etc.) as "sacred" and on the other there is this armed group and akin political movement saying that they do not settle for anything but the right of self-determination and sovereignty of the Basque People. They have been bumping heads forever (ETA is just the latest symptom, we can easily go back through the centuries to the Bagaudae with almost no stop in the struggle) and it does not seem likely they will suddenly find any kind of agreement possible.

The case of Ireland shows us that other possibilities do exist but a very different thing is to actually implement them, specially as the approach of Britain is generally less dogmatic than those of Jacobin Latin European states, derived ultimately from French Absolutism.

ETA says: if there is democratic will, it is possible to solve the conflict now and here.

It also attributes itself, with mariner language, the bravery of relaunching the opportunity for peace:

Before the close-mindedness of Spain and France, ETA has launched again the ship of opportunity for the democratic solution of the conflict. And it has taken the first decision without throwing the anchor, ready to sail into deeper waters.

They look as reference anyhow not only to Ireland but also to Central and Eastern Europe, where many new states have formed recently, as well as to Greenland and Scotland, where self-determination processes are ongoing with full normality.

They also make an appeal to international institutions and agents to impel the peace process: a democratic process that provides a permanent, just and democratic solution to a centuries old political conflict.

ETA confirms that it has been willingly for six full months without committing any attack. And complains that the various Spanish governments have wasted all opportunities for peace so far.

Source: Gara[es]. More briefly also at BBC[en].

ETA-Spain negotiations clearly active

ETA has issued a new communication. It is available in original Basque language in PDF and video format. A Spanish language translation is available here. A BBC "exclusive" video can be found here (at the moment is too busy to load but I presume it has English translation of some sort). The BBC also has an excerpted version of ETA's communication in English.

Still image of ETA's video

Introductory section

The first part of the communication is an apologetic synthesis of ETA's history, emphasizing its "responsible" role in rejecting the post-fascist arrangements made in the late 1970s and their strong stand for the self-determination of the Basque People.

Then they talk of the existence of a current "crossroads" situation, which they interpret in terms of "exhaustion of the autonomic frame":

The Spanish State is conscious of the Basque Country being at a crossroads, and that it can still take the option of independence. That is why such a fascist offensive. They want that the conditions of political change rot in the despair of blockade: deviating the political debate to prevent a democratic resolution and drown the popular will in this state of exception.

They seem to mean here the legal offensive of the last decade that has rendered many political and other popular organizations illegal, heavily distorting the electoral and media representation in the Southern Basque Country, and bringing many political activists to jail, often under fictitious accusations.

In this regard they appeal for the Basque actors and citizens to answer by assuming responsibilities and taking firm steps in favor of the organization of the independentist project, in creating conditions for democratic change (read "self-determination"), in response to repression and in the defense of civil and political rights.

Political change is possible. But in that journey there are no shortcuts. (...) Without confrontation, negation and stubbornness cannot be defeated. (...)

Negotiation and truce

At this point they reinstate their compromise with a democratic solution... through compromise and negotiation.

If the Spanish government has the will, ETA is willing, today as in the past, to agree the democratic minimums necessary to initiate the democratic process.

They make an appeal to the "international community", which, they say, are already informed of this, to support this process.

Then they inform that, already some months ago, they decided not to make any offensive armed actions.

[In fact it has been a whole year, with the last attack taking place in August 9 2009 in Majorca.Since then, there have been some kale borroka (street fight) actions (incendiary devices and such, made not by ETA but by irregular militant cells) and one seemingly accidental shooting with the French police near Paris but it was clear for any knowledgeable casual observer that there was an undeclared unilateral truce by ETA.

Spanish repression has only loosened in the last few months. Not too much but the lack of ETA arrests in the last few months clearly suggested me already by early summer that the truce had finally become bilateral, a clear sign of progress in negotiations].

They conclude with a repetition of the call to all Basque political actors to assume their responsibilities in order to produce solid steps as People for when the democratic rights are acknowledged.


Analysis

The tone of this penultimate paragraph is suggestive of ETA having big hopes on this negotiation but myself, having watched many previous negotiations end with no results, I can't but be highly skeptic.

The international economic and political situation, unlike maybe 10 or even four years ago, is not the kind of situation that could push for a surrender of ETA with only cosmetic concessions maybe. In fact the deep and persistent economic and socio-political crisis of the West (and by extension Spain) is the kind of scenario that would support continued armed struggle in any case. You don't surrender when the enemy is weak, do you?

Anyhow, I do hope that the negotiations this time end up to the satisfaction of all. But I am highly skeptic because:

• I do not see that Spain has any immediate need nor intent of dropping the fight against Basque rights (civil, political and the rights of self-rule and self-determination)
• While independentist politicians may be in some "hurry" to get legally recognized again and hence be able to participate in elections normally, that is not what ETA nor their voters surely give priority to but to the persistence of the struggle, including armed struggle. So they won't settle for anything less than the legal recognition of the right of self-determination, what implies a radical reform of the Spanish constitution.
  
• The ruling Socialist Party (PSOE) probably has not enough backing in this from the right wing (PP), which are the ones who really represent the Spanish state since fascism and who will probably and predictably boycott any serious concessions.
  
• The social-economic frame is favorable to radical struggles rather than negative. A surrender of ETA is therefore not likely and, would it happen for whatever political or otherwise circumstances, it'd surely cause a schism and the creation of a new ETA.

So, well, my expectations are pretty much limited: a year or so of frustrating and mysterious negotiations ending up most likely in a return to "normality", i.e. the low intensity war I have known all my life. However there are some political elements that may favor a constitutional reform:

• The situation in Catalonia, where independentism is very strong (and nearly all non-independentist parties would want at least federalism).
• The weakness of Spanish economy (and hence social order) weights somewhat against Madrid risking to keep the Basque military front open.
• The incipient formation of a Basque indepentist front. However, given the low vote support of the legal parties involved (EA, Aralar) its effect is certainly limited.
• So far the right wing has remained rather silent. This is a good signal because it should mean that they are assuming (for a change) their state responsibilities and supporting the social-democrats in the negotiation. Certainly no negotiation can succeed without the effective support of the Spanish right. But they can easily decide to sabotage the negotiations at any moment.
  

We'll see. This is what I can think of at this time.

What is clear is that this communication is written to emphasize the will of negotiations and the reality of the truce, hence I would expect some sort of confirmation of extant bilateral negotiations from Madrid soon.

__________

Update: first reactions.

The main government-aligned speaker so far has been Rodolfo Ares, Western Basque Councilor (regional minister) of Interior (police) and possibly the most visible leader of the PSOE in the Basque Country, who has reacted very harshly, deeming the statement insufficient, ambiguous and fraudulent because it falls short of his demand of immediate self-dissolution.

He rejected the idea that the government has also initiated a truce.

On the other side, members of the Basque Nationalist Left (illegal but important political movement) welcomed the communication as an element of unquestionable value for the arrival of peace and the consolidation of a democratic space as necessary framework to open spaces of dialogue and negotiation towards the definitive resolution of the conflict.

The say that, together with their own conclusions from the debates in previous months, make irreversible the beginning of a new political phase. They also make an appeal to the international community and to the Basque people to take active part in this new phase.

For Basque Solidarity (EA, Basque nationalist and social-democrat), the news are hopeful and say they will work for results. For Aralar party (break up faction of former Batasuna) it is a positive and important news item, but demanded from ETA a unilateral and definitive ceasefire. United Left-The Greens considers the announcement insufficient. The Navarrese People's Union (UPN, Spanish nationalist far right, close to Opus Dei) said that ETA cannot get anything from this ceasefire. The largest labor union, Basque Workers' Union (ELA), said that the Spanish government should take the announcement prudent and responsibly, revising their current policies and making decisions that contribute to distension. [Source for miscellaneous reactions].

In the international scene, two personalities have come to make declarations encouraging the search of a definitive solution. These are South African mediator Brian Currin and Northern Irish leader Gerry Adams.

Currin emphasizes that ETA does say that the time has come for the construction of a democratic frame for the Basque Country respecting the will of the majority of the Basque People. For the South African lawyer the key elements of this announcement is that ETA is adopting a unilateral and unconditional ceasefire and also that this decision is a response from ETA to the political leadership of the Basque Nationalist Left.

For Adams, now it is vital that the Spanish government produces a positive answer, takes the opportunity and establishes quickly inclusive political negotiations.

I'd take the declarations of politicians with a good pinch of salt but I think that the opinions of ELA, Currin and Adams are sincere, thoughtful and well-intended.

Update (Sep 6): more reactions.

Spanish Minister of Interior, Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba, declared today to a public TV program, that the announcement is far from the democratic minimums that this society is imposing to the Basque Nationalist Left to be allowed back to make [institutional] politics. He also expressed distrust that the ceasefire would last. Other officers of the ruling PSOE party, including Prime Minister Rodríguez Zapatero, went in the same line, demanding the total abandonment of armed struggle.

Aralar speaker, Patxi Zabaleta, said that it is impoverishing to attempt to reduce the debate on whether this communication is enough or not, on whether it is satisfactory or has not fulfilled the expectations. That is a short-term analysis and in politics we have to look to the long term.

The European Commission welcomed the announcement with prudent hope and announced it will follow the developments closely.

Postcards: Basque rural sports: climbing in Paris

As you may know, mountaineering and climbing are among the most popular Basque sports. Sadly Paris is kinda flat, so the climbers had to choose this strange artificial structure, known as the Arch of Triumph:

The climbers protested for the death in obscure circumstances (stinking to state terrorism) of ETA militant Jon Anza, whose corpse was "found" 11 months after he went missing at the morgue of a hospital of Toulouse, having been there all the time.

One of the climbers fell and broke both ankles, as well as suffering cranial concussions, however his life is out of risk. Seven people were arrested.

Source: Gara.

Update (Apr 18): the person who fell down did so because a policeman, on top of a firefighters' crane, suddenly cut the rope he was hanging from. Luckily another of the climbers managed to grab the rope, getting his hands burned in the attempt, and probably that way saved the life of his comrade (source).

And yet more political trials against Basques

The Spanish Inquisition (Audiencia Nacional, special centralized political tribunal) is now "judging" 40 Basque politicians, all members of the banned (but popular) party Batasuna (Unity). They are accused of "belonging to ETA" but not directly but by the fact of being members of Batasuna which in turn is accused of hierarchical submission to ETA.

The state attorney has asked for penalties of as much as 12 years of prison for Arnaldo Otegi, Joseba Permach and Rufi Etxeberria, who are accused of belonging to armed organization with rank of leaders, other 20 politicians are accused of lower ranking ETA "membership" and yet other 17 of "collaboration" with ETA.

Most of them are not in prison at the moment, though two, Otegi and J.L. Elkoro, are for other causes also of political nature. Yet another four of the accused are on bail of 50,000 euros (some 70,000 USD) each, while Rufi Etxteberria only recently left prison after being four years in "preventive arrest".

None of them has comitted any crime other than being active politically nor has their party, Batasuna. The essence of the accusation is the same that was used to declare Batasuna and its predecessors, Euskal Herritarrok (We the Basque People) and Herri Batasuna (People's Unity), ilegal in 2003: that these organizations were supposedly subordinated to ETA by means of their leaders. For this accusation to succeed in court no evidence was needed but ad-hoc police reports.

Source: Gara[es].

And yet another ETA communication

It seems that the previous communication was outdated before being published because of the shooting at Paris that left one policeman dead. So we have another one today at Gara (in Basque). A Spanish-language synthesis can be read here.

Today is also the Aberri Eguna (Day of the Fatherland), which may also explain the timing.

Synthesizing:

Paris shooting

They argue that the shooting at Paris was caused by the French police, who "kidnapped" four ETA members at a forest at Dammarie-lès-Lys and who shoot against one of these "neutralized" militants. Even if seemingly the policeman who shot did it aiming to the floor and not the arrested person, this, in the opinion of ETA, triggered the shooting that caused one victim among the French forces.

They say that at that moment, the other three members of the commando, who were around, approached the place with intention of avoiding confrontation, issuing a clear warning to the French policemen for them to drop their weapons and leave the spot. According to ETA, while two policement proceeded to retreat, the other two attempted to confront them with their weapons, what caused the ill-fated shooting.

They put all the blame on the French police, declaring that the attitude of no-confrontation (except in self-defense) with French forces is a well known policy of ETA

Warning to France

ETA suggests that the French government and people should meditate about where do they want to allow themselves to get carried by the "repressive high" of the Spanish authorities. They say that, beyond the hypocrite expressions of solidarity and "false condemnations", the Spanish authorities "could not hide their happiness at the belief that these events would cause further repressive steps by the French government".

Call for negotiation

ETA makes also a call to the Spanish and French governments to "abandon the useless path of repression" and to embrace dialogue and negotiation, "in favor of a democratic solution based on the respect to the will of Basque citizens".

Two camps

In relation to the National Basque holiday, today, they mention that, since last year, the political picture has been clarified, with only two projects: "the project of negation, that forces us to remain chained to France and Spain" and the project of "independence, which opens the gate to social, political, cultural and economical development in the Basque Country".

[Opinion note: it's quite obvious that ETA is capitalizing on the artificiality of the mutilated "democracy" allowed to Basques these days]

International peace drive

ETA welcomes the international initiative in favor of a negotiated solution but warns that this cannot be only achieved by a mere ETA leaving armed struggle ("the deactivation of armed response does not solve the political conflict"), demanding guarantees and compromises by all parties.

They also announce that in a future communication they will address this matter in greater depth.

Update: a Spanish language full version of the communication is available at La Haine.

Update (Apr 5): Reactions:

French Police denies ETA's version but does not offer one of its own. They say that the claim of an officer shooting towards a prisoner on the floor is false and that "contradicts the elements of the investigation". However it does not offer any alternative version with the detail ETA does.

French police unions have also protested the communication as "repulsive" and denying it "any credibility".

This side of the border reactions have a more political tinge, even with little variation of what is usually said. Ruling Socialist Party's Councilor of Interior (chief of the Basque Autonomous Police corps), R. Ares, declared that the communication is a good opportunity for "those radical Basque nationalists who bet for doing politics and just politics to ask terrorists to vanish or to distance themselves definitively from ETA".

Conservative (PP) speaker, L. Barreda, called the communication "the highest expression of cynicism". Basque Nationalist Party (EAJ-PNV) president, I. Urkullu, ratified their intsitutional loyalty with the sentence "we don't want noting to do with ETA".

Basque Solidarity's (EA) secretary general, P. Urizar, declared that "we expected more, although maybe it is our fault for expecting more". For United Left-The Green's coordinator general, M. Arana, suggested that ETA was in this communication ratifying its primacy over the political movement.

By the Nationalist Left, Miren Legorburu made a positive evaluation, declaring that now it is Spain and France who have to take a clear stand in favor of "a democratic solution based on the respect to the will of the Basque people".

Four Peace Nobels press for peace negotiations in the Basque conflict

The Mandela Foundation and four Peace Nobel price winners from South Africa and Ireland are pushing for peace negotiations in the conflict that confronts Basque militants and the Spanish state.

The group, coordinated by Brian Currin, includes Desmond Tutu, Frederick de Clerk, John Hume, Albert Reynolds, Betty Williams and Jonathan Powell, among others, including the Mandela Foundation. Currin presented yesterday at the European Parliament a proposal signed by 21 personalities, asking ETA to declare a cease-fire and the Spanish government to respond in accordance.

The declaration is available as video HERE (in English with Spanish subtitles) and as PDF text HERE.

Currin's presentation was backed by Flemish MEP Frieda Brepoels, who underlined that the Basque Nationalist Left has recently advocated in exclusive for non-violent peaceful means to achieve their goals. This was in turn emphasized by the South African facilitator, who declared that a document like Zutik Euskal Herria (Stand Basque Nation), recently backed by 270 grassroots assemblies of the Nationalist Left, is a clear message that they want a process that is irreversible.

Speaking as personal opinion, Currin answered journalists' questions, saying that Spain should guarantee that the Nationalist Left could run to elections and develop its activities normally and should also repatriate the Basque political prisoners. This would help a lot, he said.

Brepoels emphasized that the large group of personalities backing this document is a really impressive group and a demonstration that there is a lot of people who believes that this opportunity should not be missed.

Source: Gara.


My two cents: the Spanish conservatives prefer the war to continue.

This is of course an important advance and something that would not have surely happened unless there is already some sort of preliminary negotiations going on. The fact that, barring the inccident at Paris, ETA has not carried any attacks since summer 2009 and that the Basque Nationalist Left has carried on a participative process to approve a declaration seeking political means, declaration that was backed by ETA in a recent communication, indicate that there is clear political will in this camp.

What is less clear is what happens in the other camp: among the Spanish nationalist ranks, which has not made any conciliatory movement of any sort, rather the opposite.

And what is even more worrisome is that the Spanish conservatives (recycled fascists) are accusing the social-democrats of "connivence" with ETA in what is an obvious electoralist maneuver of the kind they style all the time. Even if the ruling PSOE would want (which is not clear at all) to get into some sort of negotiations, a petty division of this kind in the Spanish nationalist camp would probably ruin any chance of these advancing at all.

So if I'd have to bet, I'd bet for another failure, sincerely. However it's always worth a try.

See also: label: Basque politics.

New ETA communication

Basque guerrilla ETA has issued yet another communication. The full text in Basque, along with a synthesis in Spanish, can be read at Gara.


Votes or bombs?

After denouncing the persistent and growing political repression by Spain, they argue that while the Basque Nationalist Left has clearly replied to the riddle "votes or bombs" by choosing votes and that it is now the Spanish state the one who must allow the people to speak democratically.

In this sense they declare that ETA is ready to do whatever is necessary for a democratic solution to be reached. However they ratify themselves into the defense of the rights of the Basque Country. "Until Freedom is achieved we won't give up!", they conclude.


Analysis

ETA has not attacked in the last many many months (since August 2009), excepting the "accidental" (not planned) shooting last week at Paris, that got one gendarme killed. And it seems unlikely that this is because they can't. It's obviously some sort of informal, undeclared, unilateral truce. However arrests and dirty war by the states have not stopped, signal that Spain and France are not interested in talking.

Meanwhile, much as happened some ten years ago, diverse Basque independentist parties and organizations have been gathering forces. Many are opposed to violence and hence this informal truce may be rather directed to them than to the Spanish and French galleries.

However it is not totally impossible that there are some secret negotiations of some sort, however they must be, if any, very preliminary.


What fuels the conflict? Differences between the Spanish nationalist and Basque nationalist positions:

1. Subject of sovereignity: is it "the Spanish people" or "the Basque people"? The latter, with barely 6% of the population has no chance whatsoever of imposing its will in the larger state, clearly dominated by the Castilian or Spanish ethnicity.
   
2. Borders: is Navarre part of the Basque Country? The people of Navarre have not yet been asked on the matter, however the Spanish nationalist parties usually win the elections there.
   
3. Language: the Spanish constitution imposes the Spanish (Castilian) language as obligatory to be known by every citizen, instead other languages like Basque are not and can only be used in official venues where it is regulated that way by lesser laws. For example, judges in the Basque Country do not need to speak Basque, while janitors usually must. In Navarre, the strange dissection of the territory, ensures that only in those areas where Basque is already dominant, the old language enjoys some minimal protection.
   
4. Culture and education: which version of history should be taught to children one that emphasizes Spanish history or one that emphasizes Basque (and therefore Navarrese) history? Should the term Euskal Herria (Basque Country in the wide sense, a traditional term) be used or scrapped. Should the Basque banner be allowed or forbidden in Navarre? Which map should be used in weather forecasts? Have Western Basques the right to use the Navarrese symbols (after all they were once part of Navarre and only removed against their will)?
   
5. Legislation and self-government: which should be the limits, if any, to Basque self-rule? Should judges be appointed by Spain or by Basque institutions? Should Spanish police and military be allowed to operate within the Basque borders without authorization of the Basque governments? Should Spanish laws apply at all in Basque territory? To which extent?
6. Fascist inheritance: Spain has failed so far to review and amend the dark decades of fascist dictatorship, from which the current monarchy arose, granting the King and the Army the constitutional right to intervene in politics. Of the two major Spanish parties one, the Christian-Democrats, is not really different from the former Fascist party. The many crimes of the dictatorship have so far remained not just unpunished but also almost not investigated.
   

More doubts and dark spots in the Anza case

The more than murky case of Jon Anza, ETA militant who disappeared 11 months ago and was found dead at the morgue of Hospital Purpan at the very city he went missing, Tolouse, but after almost a year of fruitless queries and demands is only gaining complexity as days pass.

Yesterday the French Republic practiced the autopsy on the corpse without allowing any physician of the trust of the family to be present. People demonstrated demanding transparency and sensibility towards the family in a case that has already become one of the darkest episodes of the French Justice system since the time of the Dreyfuss affair and were attacked by hordes of gendarmes.

After the mock autopsy, the state attorney in charge, A. Kanayakis, announced the results (confirmation of the previous version: Anza died of complications after a heart attack) and also her resignation from the case, which now passes to an instruction judge.

The Hospital Purpan had by then reported to the press that they had issued three formal notices to the police and missing people office while Anza was still alive, getting no answer.

Meanwhile Spanish newspaper El Mundo, akin to the right but which also played a central role in the uncovering of the GAL network more than a decade ago, reported that two Spanish policemen fled by those dates from a Tolouse hotel, where they had registered by their real names, forgetting two pistols under the matresses.

This newspaper also reported earlier that Anza was custodian of 300,000 euros, while he carried only 500 when he was found.

Missing ETA member... at a French morgue

For almost a year different people have asked openly or just wondered in the privacy of their their own minds where was Jon Anza, the ETA member who had gone missing. Most of course suspected he had been killed by the Spanish police, either intentionally or "accidentally" in an "excess" of torture. Some were surely happy about it, others indifferent, others worried, sad or angry. But the question was there.

He had not disappeared in Spanish territory though but in French lands. ETA itself announced it: Jon Anza had not arrived to an expected meeting: he had disappeared while at the train.

Now Jon Anza, what is left of him, appears at at the morgue of Tolouse. The details are yet unclear but everybody is wondering how is it possible that the French Police could not know earlier, much earlier, that the corpse was that of a "most wanted" man, whose medical file they had in their hands all the time.

The news was filtered by the French police to France 3 yesterday afternoon, seemingly just after informing his family that they believed so but were yet in wait of the DNA tests, which should be finished by today.

According to the "official" version, Jon Anza arrived normally at Tolouse on April 18th, and, in April 29th, eleven days later, he "fainted" or "was injured, disoriented and had a heart attack" and was brought to a hospital where he remained until his death, 13 days later.

In spite of the huge mediatic echo at both sides of the border, the detailed information provided by ETA itself (that even informed the French police of the fact that the fingerprints from a hideout were those of Anza, and, of course, of the Bayonne-Tolousse train journey he realized and where he went missing), the protests demanding to know what had happened to the militant... the French Justice system was apparently unable to even take a look at the corpses in the morgue of Tolouse?

I don't know what to think but it's really incredible.

Gara, which is the source of this information, reports that the website of the Ministry of Interior where such information is displayed, shows Jon Anza as still missing (one among 42 adult individuals) and only one unidentified corpse: that of a woman at Marseilles.

How has the corpse of Jon Anza remained unidentified at the morgue of Tolouse and yet never figured in that list? Or has been all the time identified and someone gave order of not reporting? Or...?

Update:

The state prosecutor, Anne Kayanakis, says she did inquire at Purpan Hospital of Tolouse (where the corpse has been all this time, according to what is said now) and she was told that there was no corpse without identification. Error or conspiration?

According to her, Jon Anza was brought to the hospital with a cardiac-respiratory arrest on April 29th. He stayed at the hospital after reanimation and died on May 11th.

His corpse remained at the hospital's morgue for all this time, when in a "merely casual" way, a member of the Legal Medicine Institute commented to a police friend that there was an unidentified corpse there.

Not just she did inquire the hospital but also the law obligues all medical centers to report any unidentified corpse to the police. But this didn't happen either.

Also Anza's relatives have been denied access to the corpse by the prosecutor, after order directly from the Ministry of Justice of Paris. What are they trying to hide?

Source: Gara.

Update:

The largest Basque labor union (an important referent in this undemocratic situation we suffer), Basque Workers' Solidarity (ELA) has declared that the official version is just unbelievable and demands an independent investigation.

T. Fernánez at Gara (among other similar opinions) emphasizes that if the official version has anything to do with reality, then Jon Anza should have been identified some 10 months ago or, otherwise, be buried at the cemetery of Cornebarrieau. He illustrates the situation with two real examples of unindentified victms attended at the same hospital facility as supposedly was Jon Anza.

Relatives and friends of Jon Anza, along with their attorneys, insist that the only believable version is that the ETA militant was kidnapped, tortured and murdered by Spanish policemen in French territory, in a death-squad style action as used to happen with the GAL. They make a call to go to the Tolouse morgue on monday at 8:30 am to demonstrate against the imposition that no physician with the trust of the family is present at the autopsy.

Update (Mar 14):

All political parties, even the Spanish nationalist ones, have declared that an investigation must happen. The differences are in the details: the Spanish bloc rejected accusations of "dirty war" and declared their trust in the official version, although they did agree that the matter deserves investigation. On the other side, the Basque Nationalist Party suggested that it looks like a work from the Spanish police.

Update (Mar 15):

Thousands of people demonstrated at Donostia (San Sebastian) under the slogan "End epression and dirty war". For a change police did not show up and the demonstration could end without inccidents.

Spanish judge feels threatened by anti-terrorist laws

Judge Manuel Díaz de Rábago, member of the Superior Court of Justice of the Basque Country, appointed by the Spanish Judicial Power government organs at Madrid (not any autonomous court), declared to online judicial magazine Res Publica that:

ETA and the way the State reacts to it cause me, in these last years, some uncertainty on what can happen first to me: that ETA murders me or that the State accuses me of being part of ETA's structures. This reveals to me the madness of both in the persecution of their goals under the perverse logic of "everything is valid".

Judge Díaz de Rábago was, among others, in charge of the political trial against two Basque lehendakaris (autonomical presidents) and the spokesman of the Basque Nationalist Left, Arnaldo Otegi, accused of dialoguing with ETA (or with each other, not really sure, as it's all so Kafkian and absurd).

Originally a labor attorney, he was proposed as president of the regional court but only achieved nine votes (out of 20) at the Spanish General Council of the Judicial Power (organ appointed by the Spanish Parliament). The above declarations were made in reply to a question on his opinion on the Egunkaria case.

Source: Gara.

New ETA communication: political means should lead the way

In a new communication to Basque newspaper Gara, militant group ETA assumes the initiative to fight by political means debated by the Basque Nationalist Left, however it warns that repression must be confronted.

It looks like they are wishing for a scenario like that of North Ireland: ... carrying the Basque Country to self-determination in a gradual, regulated and consensual way...

However they do not seem naive at all about what to expect from Spain and request the people to organize and go active and the Spanish state to cease in its violence.

A quote from historical militant Argala (murdered by the Spanish secret services) serves to reinforce the message: not ETA nor any political party, it will be the Basque People who will give freedom to the Basque Country.

Sources:

• ETA communication at Gara (in Basque)
• Abstract of the above in Spanish (also in Gara)

Basque Nationalist Left debates new strategy

This seems to be a good deal of what was going on behind the scenes when the latest inquisitorial round up happened in Donostia a week ago: Batasuna is launching an internal debate with what seem to be quite novel proposals and the Spanish government is just stuck and content in its process of Turkish-style repression and undemocratic administration.

According to Gara this new proposal talks in terms of a new cycle headed to the resolution of the political conflict, process that should be democratic and centered in the decission of the Basque citizenship and that, importantly, should happen without any violence or external interference.

It is notable that the document makes a self-criticism of the previous failed peace process of 2005-07 in the sense that they used to follow the so-called "Argel parameters" (for the also failed negotiation of Argel in the 1980s): concession in the armed struggle issue in exchange for a democratic frame (self-determination). In other words: weapons for freedom. They argue that this happened because the political bloc had issues of cohesion during the truce, specially as it was quite obvious that the Spanish government was not making any concessions.

They also mention that while there are positive new elements, there are also negative ones, like social evolution itself. They warn that the speed of such changes is faster than that of the liberation process. The positive elements are said to be the international context (crash of globalization and speculative capitalism, advance of the Left in Latin America, acceptance of some independentist proposals like those of Greenland, Scotland or Quebec), as well as the local one (exhaustion of the autonomical frame, weakening of the political hegemony of the Basque Christian-Democrats or the unity of action acheieved in the North, as well as the increase of independentist initiatives in specially Catalonia but also in the Basque Country itself). The labor unions' support of the essentials of the Nationalist Left's goals and proposals is also percieved as a very important supportive element that should not be wasted.

The new proposed focus seems to be in the so-called democratic process, which is vaguely defined as the procedure to change the current "game rules" and to carry the confrontation to parameters in which the Nationalist Left will be stronger and more efficient. Emphasis is made in that such democratic process is not limited to negotiation and does not depend on it but that it follows its own dynamics that are described as gradual.

The pillars for such process would be accumulation of forces, change in force correlation and national construction. This is further detailed as four steps: rally the Nationalist Left, build an independentist bloc, create a popular wall against the attacks from the state and re-create negotiation.

The first of these pillars is described as urgent, and leaves a feeling of wanting to rebuild ties with the breakaway party Aralar, which has improved somewhat its electoral results (while not even remotely approaching the historical levels of the Nationalist Left before ilegalization). The emphasis in being legal as central goal around this pillar makes me think that they are feeling nostalgic of the time when they could still rule towns and be decissively influential in other elected bodies.

The overall tone of this proposal seems to be in leaving somehow the armed struggle out of the equation and in emphasizing political action. However, in my opinion, the democratic process seems to be lacking in any specific plan of action, such as switching to a strategy of nonviolent disobedience or mere wishful parliamentarism that will probably go nowhere?

It is my impression that this debate could cause some greater loss of cohesion within the Nationalist Left. After all, most followers are there because ETA has been and still is, sadly enough, the only one really facing the state, while the parliamentary action so far has been totally powerless and pissed at by Madrid, where the will of the Basque People has no legal currency (after all Basques are only some 6% of the Spanish population).

I suspect that while Spain does not offer a realistic alternative to ETA as expression of the Basque popular will for self-rule, it may not matter what debates are held, because there will always be an important sector that just finds making politics in such a restrictive frame as something meaningless and idiotic.
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Xabi Aretxaga free after 11 years

Being so inactive these rainy days, I missed the welcome act but the case is that this old friend, Xabi Aretxaga Llona, is again free... or as free as you can be living in the Basque Country these days.

Of Autonomist origins (activist, just like many of my friends of that time in areas like antimilitarism, social centers, counter-information or cultural diffusion), and my neighbour for some years. At some point he apparently joined ETA as "legal member" (not known to the police), being in charge of a garage where the local commando store the vehicles. Soon after all the cell were rounded up and he was too.

A common friend used to joke in the line that: "it's ok if you go to jail for killing someone or at least trying... but for washing cars?" Whatever the case, he is an old friend and a respectable activist who has spent 11 years in prison (the full sentence: not a single day reduction), in remote locations of Castile (Carabanchel, Valdemoro, Arnjuez and Valladolid), and briefly in Langraitz (Basque Country) and has finally been liberated.

I'm happy about that because, well, prison sucks and he is a free spirit. Though I'm not sure if what he finds at returning will be so great anyhow.

In any case: welcome back, ongi etorri Txabi!

Source: Gara.
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Interview with ETA

Today, Basque newspaper Gara publishes an interview with two speakers of Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), identified as Gaueko (the one from the night, a Basque mythological being) and Argi (light), both in the original Basque (link) and translated Spanish (link- PDF) languages.

It is a lenghty text from which I will translate into English some excerpts:

... before this summer, we will end with a long reflexive and assambleary process that intends to forge an effective political-armed strategy.

(...)

The differences between the processes happening in Scotland or Greenland and the one in the Basque Country are not determined by the existence of armed struggle here and not there. The main difference for those processes to be evolving is the different attitudes held by the governments of the United Kingdom and Denmark (...) because Denmark and the UK understand as their political principle the democratic respect they owe to the will of Greenland and Scotland respectively.

(...)

[After the latest failed negotiations/truce of some years ago] In political terms, we are now at the highest level ever reached in any process. It is now obvious that this people has already won two arguments: first, that the resolution of the conflict will arrive by means of dialogue and negotiation and second, that Basques have all the right to decide on our future and that making this possible will close forever the gate of the conflict.

(...) ETA is ready to leave armed struggle as soon as the barriers imposed by the states [Spain and France] to Basque self-determination is lifted. In other words, ETA's weapons will go silent when all political options finally become feasible, including independence.

(...)

The states are stuck in a demonstration of force. Illegalizations are having much more repercussion in the Basque political picture than what some thought. In the so-called macro-trials a lot of people has been sent to jail on claim that they belonged to ETA, when they actually had no relation whatsoever with our organization.

(...)

If the Basque Nationalist Left would have been allowed to run to the last elections, the fascists of López [PSOE] and Basagoiti [PP] would not have got the [Western Basque Autonomous Community's] Presidency; the PNV [right-wing Basque nationalist party] would not have been able to achieve it without the support of the Nationalist Left, IU [Spanish Republican left bloc] would have vanished from that parliament and the results of EA and Aralar [center-left Basque nationalist small parties] would have to be seen. Hence the picture would have been very different, not just in regard to the distribution of seats but on the very essence of the political discussion. (...) The PNV is responsible of this happening (...). Who has transformed the Ertzaintza into uniformed Guerrilleros de Cristo Rey [fascist death squad of the 70s and 80s] has been the PNV.

(...)

Since the [negotiation] process of 1998, what have we learnt those among us who want that the Basque country to be a sovereign state? First, that we cannot go behind the PNV, that we cannot wait for the PNV to change... And, second, that structural oppression from the state requires of structural responses. Because otherwise our people is in the way to extinction.

(...)

ETA has never made any attack at the University of Navarre in Pamplona. ETA attacked for fifth time the Opus Dei [ultraconservative Catholic cult] that is sworn enemy of the Basque Country. ETA has never hit the University of Navarre or Pamplona. On that action, rulers and media speculated a lot trying to damage our reputation. (...) Following instructions of the Interior Ministry, police has more interest in locating the members of ETA making warning calls than in saving lives. (...) Difficulting or sabotaging our warning calls, the Spanish government is attempting that in some attack ETA injuries or kills citizens, so it would fall on our organization all the responsability of such severe damages.

(...)

Finishing ETA by mere policial means has been the dream of all Spanish Interior Ministers so far. (...) This way they attempt to exploit every single arrest of any Basque exiled activist as the fall of the cupola of ETA, and that way the increase the list of the many prisoners that have no relation with ETA at all.

(...)

The land-air missiles captured to ETA were employed in three attempts to kill José María Aznar, when he was president of the Spanish state. Sadly these actions did not achieve their objective.

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Victim of terrorism plaza name is "offense to victims of terrorism"

J.M. Beñaran Ordeñana, Argala ("Slim" in English), was a leader of ETA(m) in the 1970s who was killed by Spanish paramilitary groups, something that caused political upheaval in the Basque Country back in the day. Since then there is a plaza in his hometown, Arrigorriaga, named "Argala Enparantza / Plaza Argala".

Argala

Yesterday a tribunal ordered it to be renamed because it is "offensive" to "victims of terrorism". One wonders if these "victims" are not but a subset of all victims of this war, and that some "victims" have more rights than other victims in this long war.
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ETA assumes controversial attacks

In its last public communication, armed Basque group Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA) assumes the latest attacks against media outlets and businessman I. Uria.

On the latter they argue that he was not just involved with the highly controversial fast speed train (AHT-TAV) developement but that he also rejected to pay the revolutionary tax (extortion money reclaimed by ETA to Basque business). They say that they will continue to attack those involved with the TAV (in spite of the anti-TAV platform having asked them to step away), on the grounds that it is a project that goes against the interest of Basque people and that it has been used to criminalize the Basque Nationalist Left.

On the attack against media outlets, they argue that they were directed against two different kind of media: on one side the "Spanish fascist" ones, which apparently need no further explanation, and, on the other side, against Basque public broacasting group EITB. In this case they argue that, by means of "political comissaries" and chief editors the content of this media corporation is being put to the service of the Spanish government and used against Basque independentism. They claim not to be their intent to tell anybody "how to do journalism" though.

While the attacks on media may be controvesial, the ratified intervention in the conflict of that TAV is rather worrying. It must be mentioned that in the 1980s, ETA intervened rather succesfully against the construction of a nuclear reactor near Bilbao (at Lemoiz), kidnapping and eventually killing one engineer of that project. For some, ETA's intervention was what actually stopped the highly controversial developement, while for others it was a disruption of nonviolent resistence against Lemoiz nuclear plant.

The current intervention against the TAV is clearly reminiscent of that historical epysode and may be an atetmpt by ETA of claiming leadership of the Basque popular struggles. Nevertheless the ETA of the 2000s is hardly as strong as used to be in the 1980s and it's very possible that its intervention will be useless. In any case, the TAV line is already being constructed and it doesn't seem as the widespread opposition was going to be able to stop it, so I cannot exclude that, if ETA shows to be able to deploy sufficient power in this issue, it may be able to stop it. What is clear is that with ETA's intervention the popular platform that has been workking hard for more than a decade to block this project is rather sidelined.
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First time ever...

First time ever that people openly announce their joining illegal armed organization ETA. Nobody remembers anything like that. Maybe in the 60s?

A comunication sent to Gara newspaper declares that ten Basque citizens have decided to join ETA after being judged and persecuted as if they were militants when they were not. Four of them appear in a picture attached to the letter (left), though no names are mentioned.

They claim to be activists of the Basque Nationalist Left, who in different ways have worked in favor of Basque independence.

We have worked in different organisms of the Basque National Liberation Movement until heavily armed policemen came to arrest and torture us and we have been forced to run away.

They denounce that the political situation has been worsening, that there is no democracy, freedom of association, freedom of expression anymore in the Basque Country and that in the impossibility of working in their townsthey have decided not to surrender to the Spanish tribunals.

We had no option left than to face the Spanish persecution with weapons in our hands and we will make it with determination.

In spite of not being members of ETA, they wanted to kidnap and judge us as if we were. But this does not scare us, like many other people before us, we have decided to take up weapons and join Euskadi Ta Askatasuna.

Live to see. When you think you've witnessed virtualy everything...

Source: Gara
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New ETA communication

Basque newspaper Gara has published today the latest communication of ETA. In the page-and-half document (here in PDF, Basque language only; here for an HTML journalistic version in Spanish, with links to reactions) they claim four attacks between May 1st and May 19th, denounce several socio-political issues (laboral accidents, high speed train), denounce the "shamelessness" and/or "complicity" of most political parties, reiterate that they will face the "opression" and insist in their demands for a solution to the conflict, namely:

- Self-determination and territoriality [i.e. reunion of the western Basque Automous Community with Navarre] for the Southern Basque Country. Institutional recognition of the Northern Basque Country too.
- Democratic framework [i.e. non interference of Spain in Basque decissions] and restoration of all civil rights
- Negotiation between all political forces

They claim that, with solidarity and persistent activism, the trend to Basque statehood is there and that "we will achieve it".

The reactions have been mostly negative as usual:

- Spanish government: no comment, the government will continue working with all good-spirited citizens to definitively supress terrorist violence.
- Socialist Party (Spanish guvernamental force, important in the Basque Country): ETA mantains its will to commit more crimes and murders.
- United Left (minor post-communist Spanish-wide bloc): ETA must assume it's not a Basque political agent.
- Aralar (small breakaway faction from the Nationalist Left bloc, with some importance only in Navarre): ETA is totally detached from modern Basque society.
- People's Party (Spanish conservative opposition force): ETA feels confortable with the current political situation of the Basque Country [probable reference to the diffuse Ibarretxe's project that has been going on without practical consequences for about eight years now]
- El Mundo (Spanish conservative newspaper): ETA qualifies Ibarretxe's project of "fraud dressed as autonomical reform".
- Público (Spanish newspaper - no idea of its ideology): ETA says that only the creation of a Basque state will solve the conflict.

Second Basque armed group threatens widespread action

In the latest decades, with the succesive disappearence (either through surrender or forced supression) of all other Basque armed groups, ETA(m) (lately known just as ETA) became the only militant group operating in the Basque Country. Behind laid the many breakup other ETAs (that one after the other pacted surrender with Spain), the Autonomous Anticapitalist Commandos, that were exterminated manu militari, and Iparraterrak, the group operating in the Northern Basque Country, also suppressed by police means.

But recently, another group rooted again in the French-controlled North has become more and more active, generally targetting turistic, real state and public targets with, so far, bloodless attacks. Their name is Irrintzi, that is the traditional Basque cry of victory or satisfaction. Today it's been known that they have made public threats of spreading their activities to all the Basque Country, also south of the border, so far exclussive area of ETA, if the French government doesn't listen to their claims.

In their communication, Irrintzi, adresses the French Republic and the United Nations with the following threat:

Not being possible to negotiate a solution to the Basque problem on either side of the border, we shall threaten the whole French and Spanish territories with armed action.

They ask the UN and EU to encourage France and Spain to respect their compromises with Human Rights and Democracy. They justify these claims on the grounds that the Northern Basque Country lacks of any sort of institutional recognition and in the situation of the South being one of political and military repression without precedent.

To France they demand a referendum and the creation of a frame of institutional autonomy for the Northern Basque Country.

The communication also claims six attacks since autumn 2007: three failed attacks in Angelu (Anglet), against the hotel Arguia, mansion Prinkipo and golf course of Chiberta, the succesful attack against the police station of Bokale (Bocau), and the failed attacks at Bidaxune (Bidache) against post and turism offices. In this context, Irrintzi also makes specific threats against foreign businessmen.

Source: Le Journal du Pays Basque (in French).

From "most wanted" to freedom without bail.

The Kafkian reality we Basques live in had another twist yesterday: a young couple that figured for some weeks as most wanted ETA "terrorists" has been released without bail after a much publicited arrest.

The couple, Agurne Salterain and Oroitz Aldekoa-Otalora, are apparently accused of helping somehow a real ETA militant, Gorka Lupiañez. They had tried to hand themselves to the tribunal and were awaiting to be called by it. This "detail" was ignored by the mainstream media.

Instead the headlines described them as important "terrorists" who were part of some unclear ETA commando.

The couple has admitted to have hosted Lupiañez, a school friend of Oroitz Aldekoa, for some days, but claim that they were unaware of him being a militant.

Ref: Gara newspaper.